Twentieth Dynasty
It is only in passing that reference can be made to the buildings erected by
Ramesses III elsewhere, a small temple at Karnak being particularly well
preserved. His huge tomb in the Biban el-Moluk differs from others of the
period by introducing such secular scenes as that of the royal kitchen. The
picture of a harper is specially celebrated. This last of the great Pharaohs
was followed by eight kings each of whom bore the illustrious name of
Ramesses, now so firmly associated with the thought of Pharaonic
grandeur that even when his descendants had long relinquished any
pretensions to the throne certain functionaries of high station still prided
themselves upon the title 'king's son of Ramesses'. That Ramesses IV was
a son of Ramesses III is clear both from the Harris papyrus and from other
evidence, but the insistence with which he introduced into Prenomen and
Nomen of goddess of Truth while protesting that he had banished iniquity
arouses the suspicion that his claim was not substantiated without some
difficulty. Of his successors at least two appear to have been his brothers.
The reigns of all eight kings except Ramesses IX and Ramesses XI were
short, so that the total for the dynasty works out at less than the figure
given by Manetho. The custom of starting upon a tomb in the Biban
el-Moluk at the beginning of each reign was consistently adhered to,
although not quite all these later Ramessides actually found burial in the
places to which they aspired, and in three cases the mummies were
subsequently removed for safety's sake to the tomb of Amenophis II. The
general trend of subsequent history suggests that the actual residence of
these petty rulers was ever increasingly confined to the Delta, as a result
of which the importance and wealth of the high-priest of Amen-Re' at
Thebes waxed all the more. Monumental undertakings dwindled
perceptibly. Asiatic adventures were at an end, and the latest record at
Sinai dates from Ramesses VI. On the other hand, the administration of
Nubia continued along the old lines, though we hear less about it. In spite
of these gradual fallings off, the annals of the twelfth century before our
era are no complete blank. A number of highly interesting inscriptions and
papyri have survived, but with subjects as disconnected both materially
and locally as the items in a modern newspaper. Such as they are, it is
indispensable here to characterize them.
The reign of Ramesses IV lasted no more than six years, and in view of its
shortness the tale of his building activities is not inconsiderable; where he
did not actually erect, at least he commemorated his existence by
hieroglyphic dedications. Two great stele found at Abydos by Mariette
proclaim his exceptional piety and devotion to the gods. Their wording is
unusual, and may reflect royal authorship. A long inscription of year 3 in
the Wady Hammamat records a quest for the splendid stone of its famous
quarry involving more than 8,000 participants. Already in year 1 he had
caused the high-priest of Mont to visit the site, and in year 2 had sent other
capable officials and scribes to investigate the possibilities. The
inscription of year 3, however, acquaints us with an enterprise on a more
grandiose scale. The skilled quarrymen and sculptors sent were only a
small proportion of the entire number. The 5,000 soldiers were certainly
not needed for any combative purpose, but may perhaps be thought of as
employed to haul the huge monuments over the rough desert roads. The
real problem of this perplexing inscription is to account for the presence
so far from the Nile Valley of many of the foremost dignitaries of the land.
At their head was the high-priest of Amen-Re' Ra'messenakhte; for him
we have at least the partial excuse that he combined with his sacerdotal
and administrative functions that of 'superintendent of works'; he was
responsible in fact for the temples and statues with which the Pharaoh
endowed the local gods. But how to account for his being accompanied by
two butlers of the king, by the over-seer of the treasury, and above all by
the two chief taxing-masters, all of these important personages being
mentioned by their names? Here as so often in our Egyptian records the
valuable information for which we have to be thankful is counterbalanced
by enigmas that must be left unresolved.
For another important document of this period, we have to direct our eyes
as far southward as Elephantine. An ill-written but comparatively
well-preserved papyrus in the Turin Museum recalls in language
resembling and no less virulent than the Salt papyrus grave accusations
against a number of persons, prominent among whom was a lay-priest of
the temple of Chnum charged with many thefts, acts of bribery, and
sacrilege, not to mention the unavoidable imputations of copulation with
married women. Heinous offences against religion were his
misappropriation and sale of sacred Mnevis calves, his joining in the
carrying of the god's statue while three of his ten days of natron-drinking
were still to run, and his heaping of gifts upon the vizier's henchmen to
make them arrest his priestly accuser while the latter was only half-way
through his month of ritual service. Among facts of interest that we here
learn were the vizier's power to appoint the local prophets and the
intervention of Pharaoh himself to send his chief treasurer to look into the
abstracting of garments from the temple treasure-house. More serious,
because they must have involved the corruptibility of a number of persons,
were the losses of corn suffered by the priesthood of Chnum. Seven
hundred sacks per annum were due from estates in the Delta owned by the
temple. A ship's captain who had succeeded another deceased in year 28
of Ramesses III started upon his defalcations in year 1 of Ramesses IV
and in the course of the next nine years down to 'year 3 of Pharaoh', i.e. of
Ramesses V, had stolen a total of more than 5,000 sacks.
The great Wilbour papyrus in the Brooklyn Museum, dated in year 4 of
Ramesses V, is a genuine official document of unique interest. Its main
text records in four consecutive batches covering a few days apiece the
measurement and assessment of fields extending from near
Crocodilonpolis (Medinet el-Fayyum) southwards to a little short of the
modern town of El-Minya, a distance of some 90 miles. The fields, of
which the localization and the acreage are given in every case, are
classified under the heads of the different land-owning institutions, these
proving to be the great temples of Thebes, Heliopolis, and Memphis, then
after them a number of smaller temples mainly in the vicinity of the plots
owned by them. Lastly, there were various corporate bodies too different
and too problematic to be mentioned here. The assessments are reckoned
in grain and clearly refer to taxes. They are presented in two distinct
categories, according as the owning institutions were themselves liable or
as the liability rested upon the actual holders or cultivators of the soil.
The latter type of paragraph is the more interesting since it names a
multitude of different proprietors or tenants, including whole families,
men of Sherden race, and sometimes even slaves. In one single paragraph,
for example, we find side by side, dependent upon the temple of Sobk-Re'
of Anasha and localized near a place named the Mounds of Roma, plots
each of ten arouras occupied by the well-known overseer of the treasury,
Kha'emtir, by a certain priest, by a temple-scribe, another scribe, by three
separate soldiers, by a lady, and lastly by a standard-bearer. A second
text, on the verso of the same roll, deals exclusively with a kind of land
known as khato-land of Pharaoh. The area of the fields so described
appears to have been constantly varied, and we dimly discern in them
properties which for some unspecified reason had reverted to the
ownership of Pharaoh and had to be disposed of anew by him. Despite the
great efforts that have been devoted to the study of this all-important
papyrus, the abbreviated style in which it was written and the fact that the
scribes were not concerned to offer explanations to posterity have left its
main problems a riddle still to be unraveled. To whom were the taxes
paid? How can the orderliness here depicted be reconciled with the
Pharaonic indigence which, as we have seen, often left the workmen on
the royal tomb short of the rations due to them? These and many similar
related questions still await their answers, but there is some ground for
thinking that the great temple of Karnak, with the high-priest of Amen-Re'
at its head, was the principal beneficiary rather than the Pharaoh. It is at
least significant that the Chief Taxing-master Usima're'nakhte was a son of
the then reigning high-priest Ra'messenakhte. As a valuable addendum to
the Wilbour papyrus, we may mention a very well-preserved letter dating
from the reign of Ramesses XI some fifty years later. In this letter, the
mayor of Elephantine complains to the Chief Taxing-master of his time
that taxes had been unjustifiably exacted from him on two holdings for
which he disclaimed all responsibility.
The tomb of Ramesses IV is of special interest because a plan of it, giving
the exact dimensions, is preserved on a papyrus in the Turin Museum. The
mummy of Ramesses V, discovered in the tomb of Amenophis II, reveals
the fact that he died of smallpox. He probably reigned little more than four
years, the fourth being the highest date known. His own unfinished tomb in
the Biban el-Moluk was then annexed by Ramesses VI, who completed its
decoration; from the latter king's reign of seven years only insignificant
monuments have survived. There is evidence, however, that even if his
usual place of residence was in the Delta, he could still command loyalty
in Nubia. There the governor still bore the title of King's Son of Cush, and
the present holder of the post Siese is mentioned together with his
sovereign at 'Amara between the Second and Third Cataracts. For
administrative purposes, Nubia had long been divided into the two
provinces of Wawae or Lower Nubia, and Cush farther south. Under
Ramesses VI the deputy-governor of Wawae was Penne, who was also
mayor of the important town of Aniba. He describes in his tomb a statue
of the king which he caused to be made there, and gives a detailed list of
the fields set aside for its upkeep. For these services, to which was added
the capture of some rebels in the gold-bearing region of Akati, he was
rewarded with two silver bowls for unguent; the King's Son of Cush
himself, together with the Overseer of the Treasury, visited Aniba for the
presentation.
Meanwhile the office of high-priest of Amen-Re' at Karnak had become
hereditary, and after being held by Nesamun, a son of Ra'messenakhte, had
passed into the powerful hands of Amenhotpe, another son. At what exact
date Amenhotpe attained this exalted position is not recorded. In year 10
of Ramesses IX, we find him arrogating for himself an eminence such as
no subject of the Pharaoh had ever previously enjoyed. That a great
dignitary should figure in the reliefs of a temple was not altogether
unprecedented. Under Sethos II the high-priest Roma, also known as Roy,
had caused himself to be depicted at Karnak petitioning the god Amen-Re'
for long life and power to hand on his office to his descendants. But
Amenhotpe went a step further: Egyptian Art had always made a point of
proportioning the size of its human representations to the rank and
importance of the persons represented, and now for the first time
Amenhotpe, facing the Pharaoh, is shown as of equal height with him.
Admittedly, Amenhotpe is here seen receiving rewards in the
time-honored fashion, but the pretension to something like equality is
unmistakable. Also, this claim accords with as much as we can ascertain
from the facts and from subsequent history. The king might be the
undisputed ruler in the north, but in the south the great pontiff at Karnak
loomed larger than he.
It belongs to the unequal chances of archaeology that more written
evidence should be forthcoming from the last reigns of Dyn. XX than from
any other period of Egyptian history. The source is the west bank at
Thebes, especially Medinet Habu and the neighboring village of Der
el-Medina . Here vast quantities of papyri, more often fragmentary than
complete, were discovered in the earlier part of the nineteenth century and
are now scattered among the great collections of Europe. Initiated by
Drovetti, the French Consul in Egypt, the Turin Museum secured the lion's
share from the digs. The picture disclosed by the day-to-day journals of
work in the necropolis is one of great unrest. Long stretches of time found
the workmen on the royal tomb idle, and there are ominous references,
many of them dating from the later years of Ramesses IX, to the presence
at Thebes of foreigners or Libyans or Meshwesh, though we do not know
exactly how these ought to be interpreted. Were they real invaders or
were they the descendants of captured prisoners who had been
incorporated into Egyptian army and who now felt themselves strong
enough to rise in rebellion or at all events to create serious disturbances?
These questions must remain unanswered for lack of evidence, but at least
it is clear that the effect upon the native population was disastrous. More
than once the rations of the workmen were two months overdue. Want and
greed combined led inevitably to crime. The royalties and noblemen of
former days had been buried with the costliest of their possessions, and
the temptation of the living to despoil the dead was overwhelming.
Tomb-robbery had been a common practice from the earliest times, but
now, it would appear, this mode of counteracting poverty had become so
widespread that energetic steps had to be taken to bring the thieves to
justice. By a lucky chance, a whole series of well-preserved papyri has
survived to throw light on the arrests and the trials which began in year 16
of Ramesses IX and continued, perhaps with an intermediate lull, a whole
generation later. Some account has been already given of two of the most
famous of these fascinating documents, namely the Abbott and the Amherst
papyri. Both tell their tale in characteristically dramatic fashion, reading
more like chapters out of a novel than like sober excerpts from official
administrative records. It is in the later batch of which Papyrus Mayer A
is the most complete example that we come nearest to the actual
procedure followed in the judicial examinations of witnesses. Even those
witnesses who were subsequently found innocent and set free had to
undergo the ordeal of the bastinado.
There were important state trials, and the judges specially chosen to
conduct them were the highest available officials. Under Ramesses IX, the
vizier Kha'emwise, the high-priest of Amen-Re' at Karnak, the
setem-priest of the Pharaoh's own funerary temple, two important royal
butlers, a general in charge of the chariotry, a standard-bearer in the navy,
and finally the mayor of Thebes Pesiur, the sworn enemy of Pwero, the
mayor on the west bank (whom he had tried with very limited success to
make responsible for the thefts in the royal tombs) were appointed to
these trials. The court presiding over the later trials was similarly
constituted, but the high-priest is lacking, probably because engaged upon
even more important business. Here the names of the judges are all
changed, this marking the lapse of time between the two sets of events.
The Pharaoh, though absent from Thebes, was not indifferent to the crimes
committed against the buried treasures of his predecessors. The trials
were ordered by him and, at least in one case, the condemned were
imprisoned until the king should decide what their punishment should be.
In the wider historical sense, the importance of these happenings at
Thebes lies rather in the hints of great political occurrences let drop by
the witnesses in making their depositions or otherwise indicated in the
papyri of these times. Ramesses IX, after reigning for seventeen or more
years, was succeeded by the tenth of the name, whose highest date is year
3. The long line of Ramesside kings came to an end with Ramesses XI,
whose Prenomen Menma're'setpenptah recalled the great monarch Sethos I
of two centuries earlier. His first eleven years have left no contemporary
dated records, but information written down a decade later leaves no
doubt as to the troubled condition of the land. It is probably to the early
years of the reign that belongs a momentous event recalled in the
testimony of a porter named Howtenufe:
The barbarians came and seized Tho (the temple of Medinet Habu), while
I was looking after some asses belonging to my father. And Peheti, a
barbarian, seized me and took me to Ipip, after wrong had been done to
Amenhotpe, who was formerly high-priest of Amun, for as long as six
months. And it so happened that I returned when nine whole months of
wrong had been done to Amenhotpe, and when this portable chest had
been misappropriated and set on fire.
Elsewhere, mention is made of 'the war of the high-priest' which must
surely refer to the same event. The ambitious priest, who had been so
powerful under Ramesses IX, here met with his nemesis. Chronological
considerations make it impossible to link up this conflict with a revolt in
which a certain Pinhasi was the protagonist. In Papyrus Mayer A, a
document dating from late in the reign of Ramesses XI, some of the
thieves are stated to have been 'killed by Pinhasi', while others perished
in the 'war in the Northern District' and we read too of a moment 'when
Pinhasi destroyed Hardai', which is the town called Cynonpolis by the
Greeks, the capital of the seventeenth nome of Upper Egypt. The name
Pinhasi is written in such a way as to make it certain that he was an enemy
of the loyalists at Thebes, and the absence of any title shows that he was a
very well-known personage. He can hardly have been other than the
King's Son of Cush who was responsible for the collection of taxes in
towns south of Thebes in year 12, and to whom in year 17 a somewhat
authoritative order was sent by the king bidding him co-operate which the
royal butler Yenes in the fabrication of a piece of furniture needed for the
temple of a certain goddess and in supplying various semi-precious stones
required for the workshops of the Residence City. It seems, accordingly,
that his rebellion must have been posterior to year 17. There is a possible
reference to him in a letter of considerably later date which suggests that
he retired to Nubia and carried on his resistance there. But apart from this,
nothing more is heard of him, nor are we able to guess anything beyond
the fact that he was presumably a native of Aniba in Nubia, where a tomb
prepared for him has been found.
Continuation of 20th Dynasty
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