Twenty-seventh Dynasty
Difficulties connected with the succession kept Cambyses fully occupied
for the next three years, but the murder of his brother Smerdis left his
hands free to proceed with the undertaking bequeathed to him by his
father. Phoenicia had submitted voluntarily, providing him with a fleet
invaluable for his coming operations. Cyprus abandoned its allegiance to
Amasis, who died in 526 B.C., escaping only by a few months the
shattering blow which was to befall his son Psammetichus III. The battle
of Pelusium (525 B.C.) was fought with great stubbornness, but in the end
the Egyptians fled in disorder to Memphis, which surrendered only after a
siege of some duration. Egypt thus passed into Persian hands, Manetho's
TWENTY-SEVENTH DYNASTY. His own reign was to last only three
years longer, and each of the further expeditions which he planned proved
unsuccessful. A projected attack upon the Carthaginians came to nothing,
since the Phoenicians refused to fight against people of their own blood.
The far more ambitious campaign against the Ethiopians, in which
Cambyses himself took part, proved a perfect fiasco owing to neglect of
proper preparation, while a force sent across the desert to the oasis where
Alexander the Great consulted the Oracle of Amun two centuries later
(Siwa) was overwhelmed by a sandstorm and disappeared. The anger of
Cambyses at these failures was boundless and is said to have brought on
an attack of madness, but at least the whole of Egypt had been won.
According to Herodotus Cambyses was a monster of cruelty and impiety,
his folly culminating in the killing of the sacred Apis bull. This act is,
however, rendered more than improbable by the evidence from the
Serapeum, two of these holy animals being recorded for his reign, and the
sarcophagus of one of them being said by its inscriptions to have been
dedicated by the Persian king himself. It is true that a Jewish document of
407 B.C. speaks of 'the destruction of all temples of the Egyptian gods' in
the time of Cambyses, but by then the king's evil reputation had plenty of
time to spread, and the damage done in that direction may have been
confined to the withdrawal of the large official grants of materials that has
previously been the custom. We shall see that a less severe view of the
conqueror was taken by a high official who managed to secure his favor
and to retain his important position throughout the following reign. On
Cambyses' return to Asia in 522 B.C. Egypt was left in charge of the
satrap Aryandes who, however, later fell under suspicion of disloyalty
and was executed.
Meanwhile the Magian Gaumata had given himself out to be the real
Smerdis and had won wide recognition throughout the Persian provinces.
Discordant accounts are given of Cambyses' death, probably on his way
home to combat the pretender. The throne now fell to Darius I, the son of
Hystaspes and a member of the family of Cyrus. In his long reign of
thirty-six years (521-486 B.C.) the Persian Empire was organized with
consummate statesmanship, but only comparatively little is known of
events in Egypt during this time. His first years were fully occupied in
cruelly suppressing revolts and disorders that had followed his slaying of
Gaumata, and it was not until 517 B.C. or thereabouts that he was able to
visit Egypt. Of real importance, however, as illustrating his interest in the
ancient civilization which had now come under his sway is an order sent
to the Satrap in his third year bidding him assemble the wisest men among
the country's soldiers, priests, and scribes. They were to set forth in
writing the complete law of Egypt down to year 44 of Amasis, a task
which kept them busy until his own nineteenth year. There is no reason to
doubt the authenticity of this royal order, although it is made known to us
only in a much later copy on the back of a demotic papyrus of
miscellaneous contents. Indeed it goes far towards justifying Diodorus's
description of Darius as among the greatest of Egypt's law-givers. Equally
interesting is the information given by several huge stele confirming what
Herodotus has to tell about Darius's completion of the canal leading from
the Nile to the Red Sea. Neko II had been compelled to abandon this
project, but Darius not only repaired the channel in its entire length, but
was also able to dispatch through it twenty-four ships laden with tribute
for Persia. The stele commemorating this were erected at intervals along
the banks of the canal. Inscribed both in hieroglyphs and in cuneiform they
are in deplorable condition, but tell their story in unmistakable fashion.
That Darius, in governing Egypt, wisely sought to pose as a legitimate
Pharaoh continuing the work of his Saite predecessors is shown by a
variety of evidence. He alone of the Persian kings undertook building in
the temples of the Egyptian gods. The stately and well-preserved temple
of Amun in the oasis of Kharga is almost entirely due to him, and here he,
like Cambyses before him, receives a complete royal titulary. A general
whose business it was to summon all the mayors of the country to bring
gifts for the embalming of an Apis bull bore the same name as King
Amasis and wrote it in a cartouche, although his stele alludes to the
Persian invasion. Similarly Khnemibre', the superintendent of works in the
entire land, whose name is identical with the Prenomen of the same king.
His many rock-inscriptions in the Wady Hammamat range from the last
year of Amasis to the thirtieth of Darius. But the sole hieroglyphic
memorial of the entire Persian period which presents a biography of any
length in that inscribed on a fine naophorous statue preserved in the
Vatican. Its owner Udjeharresne had been the commander of sea-faring
ships under both Amasis and Psammetichus III, but the narrative of his
subsequent career starts with the arrival of the Persians in his native land:
There came to Egypt the great chief of every foreign land Cambyses, the
foreigners of every country being with him. When he had taken
possession of this entire land they settled down there in order that he
might be the great ruler of Egypt and the great chief of every foreign
land. His Majesty commanded me to be chief of every foreign land. His
Majesty commanded me to be chief physician and caused me to be at his
side as companion and director of the palace, and I made his titulary in
his name of King of Upper and Lower Egypt Mesutire. And I caused him
to know the greatness of Sais which is the seat of Neith the great, the
mother who gave birth to Re' and who was the initiator of birth after
there had been no birth.
The thought contained in the last few words is expanded by the mention of
the actual temple of Neith as well as of other shrines in what had been the
Saite capital. Then the speaker continues on another part of the statue:
I made petition beside his Majesty the King of Upper and Lower Egypt
Cambyses concerning all those foreigners who had settled down in the
temple of Neith, that they should be driven thence and that the temple of
Neith should be in all its splendor as it was aforetime. And His Majesty
commanded that all the foreigners who had settled in the temple of
Neith should be driven out and that all their houses and all their
superfluities which were in this temple should be thrown down, and that
all their own baggage should be carried for them outside the wall of
this temple. And His Majesty commanded that the revenues should be
given to Neith the great, the god's mother, and to the great gods who
are in Sais as they were aforetime. And His Majesty caused that all
their festivals and all their processions should be made as they were
made aforetime. And His Majesty did this because I caused His Majesty
to know the greatness of Said--it is the city of all the gods, they resting
on their thrones in it eternally.
Udjeharresne was naturally concerned only to vaunt his influence with his
new master, but there is no reason to doubt that Cambyses was willing,
whenever it suited his interest, to do honor to the gods of Egypt, and the
text goes on to relate that he himself came and prostrated himself before
the goddess as every king before had done, after which he made her a
great banquet. Obviously biased as these passages are they must be set
against the execrations for which Herodotus is responsible. Udjehattesne
touches only very lightly upon 'the great trouble that had come about in the
entire land of Egypt'. There is much more of interest in this unique
inscription, but it must suffice here to make brief reference to the House of
Life or scriptoria which Darius, himself in Elam, sent Udjeharresne to
re-establish in Egypt. They were to be staffed 'with persons of rank, not a
poor man among them'. Apparently it was only in connection with the
departments concerned with medicine that Udjeharresne was thus to be
employed, for not only was he a chief physician, but also the text names as
the purpose of his scriptoria to 'revive all that are sick'. At all events
these sentences illustrate once again the enlightened way in which Darius
conceived of his duty as King of Egypt. He was no mere despot avid of
power and content to leave the welfare of his dominions in the hands of
his satraps.
Of equal interest for the history of these times, though of wholly different
character, is a great demotic discovered at El-Hiba and brilliantly written
in the ninth year of Darius by an elderly temple-scribe named Peteese. He
is complaining of wrongs done to himself and his family in connection
with the prophetship of Amun of Teudjoi (El-Hiba), his native place, and
in connection with the priesthoods of other associated gods, all of which
carried with them substantial emoluments. It is an intensely complicated
and confused story which Peteese has to tell, and the events that he
narrates go back 150 years, to the fourth year of Psammetichus I. At that
time his ancestor of the same name had restored the ruined temple of
Amun on behalf of his cousin, yet another Peteese, who was the Master of
the shipping resident in Heracleopolis Magna and the virtual governor of
Upper Egypt. As a reward for these services Peteese I had been accorded
all the priesthoods in question. His imprisonment, and tribulation to
recount. His enemies have been various personages who had from time to
time succeeded with the help of the highest authorities then in power to
deprive the Peteese family of their rights, and who had been backed up by
others described generally as the priests. No attempt can here be made
to estimate the historical accuracy of all this, but it cannot be disputed that
the world to which the papyrus bears witness was one of widespread
graft and corruption. One detail corroborated from an outside source is
the mention of that same Master of Shipping whom we found arranging the
Gods Wife Nitocriss journey to Thebes.
Wise and enlightened as was Dariuss rule, his empire was too vast not
soon to exhibit signs of fragility. Already in 499 BC the Ionian cities were
in revolt, and the assistance lent to them by Athens and Eretria made war
between Persia and the western Greeks only a matter of time. The
resounding defeat of Artaphernes, Dariuss nephew, at Marathon (490
BC) could not fail to have serious repercussions throughout the entire
Middle East. In 486 BC the Egyptians rose in revolt, and it was only in
the second year of Xerxes, who succeeded his father toward the end of
486 B.C., that the rebellion was finally quelled. Herodotus relates that the
new monarch reduced all Egypt to slavery much greater than it had
suffered in the reign of Darius. Needless to say Xerxes made use of his
suzerainty there to further his own ends. Before the battle of Salamis (480
B.C.), where he sought to avenge himself upon the Greeks, a large
Egyptian fleet was given an important part to play. But for the advantage
of the Egyptians themselves Xerxes did little or nothing. The monuments
are almost completely silent. No temples were built and but few Egyptian
officials were employed. Throughout these years Upper Egypt appears to
have been entirely tranquil. Since a Persian who had probably visited the
Wady Hammamat for the first time in the sixth year of Cambyses, did so at
intervals right down to Xerxess twelfth year. He describes himself as
governor of Coptos and was very possibly charged with protecting the
road the Red Sea. After him his younger brother made similar visits in the
reign of Artaxerxes and had now added to his Persian name the truly
Egyptian one of Djeho.
A great change had by this time come over there more or less uniform
civilization of the land of the Pharaohs. As before, the native population
carried on their personal business in their own language, employing the
highly cursive style of writing which became known to the Greeks as
Enchorial or Demotic. But so far as the government was concerned, Egypt
was now only the farthest removed province of a great foreign empire.
The Persian king and overlord, residing in Susa or in Babylon, left the
actual administration in the hand of a local governor known as the
satrap. For all bureaucratic purposes the Aramaic language and script
were employed. Aramaic was a north-Semitic idiom which, after
extending widely to Mesopotamia with the peoples deported there,
doubtless later spread southward. For example, the exiled Jews whom
Cyrus allowed to return to their original home. In the end this idiom
completely replaced Hebrew in Palestine. It must not be imagined that in
Egypt the use of Aramaic was confined to the Jews, though that
impression might be conveyed by the great and sensational find of papyri
written in that language discovered on the island of Elephantine just north
of the First Cataract. It is true that the persons whose concerns are there
displayed in such abundance and variety were all or mainly Jews, but they
were members of a frontier garrison and consequently in the service of the
Persian regime. The most convincing evidence, however, that Aramaic
was the medium in which the Persian administration was carried on is
afforded by a bunch of letters mostly addressed to his subordinates in
Egypt by the satrap Arsames who was in power throughout the whole last
quarter of the fifth century. These letters, written on leather, doubtless
emanate from the satraps chancery, probably at Memphis; there were
purchased from a dealer who either could not or would not reveal the
place where they were found.
Little else would be known about Egypt in the fifth century but for the
Greek historians, and in them only on account of her relations with the
Athenians. Following the disturbances which arose after the murder of
Xerxes and the accession of Artaxerxes I (465 B.C.) serious trouble
sprang up in the north-western Delta. Here a certain Inaros, the son of
Psammetichus-both names are Egyptian, but Thucydides calls him a king
of the Libyans-revolted and established his headquarters at the fortress of
Marea not far from the later Alexandria. The first clash with the Persians
took place at Papremis, an uncertainly identified place somewhere in the
west; the force under the satrap Achaemenes, the brother of Xerxes, was
defeated and he was killed. The remnant of his army retreated to Memphis
and entrenched themselves there. Inaros was now in complete possession
of the Delta, but apparently made no claim to the kingship. The inevitable
relief from Persia was long in coming, but in expectation of it Inaros
called for help upon the Athenians, at that time successfully warring
against the Persians in Cyprus. With their aid, two-thirds of Memphis or
the White Wall, as Thucydides correctly termed it, was taken. The rest
held out until the Persian general Megabyzus drove off the besiegers, who
in their turn found themselves confined within an island in the marshes
called Prosopitis. It was not until 454 B.C. that Megabyzus gained the
upper hand. Few of the Athenians escaped and a number of ships arriving
too late to be of assistance were annihilated. Inaros himself was betrayed
into Persian hands and was crucified. This, however, was not quite the
end of the revolt. A chieftain named Amyrtaeus-again the name is pure
Egyptian-remained undefeated in the extreme western part of the Delta.
He once more summoned the Athenians to his support and a number of
their ships actually started, but the death in Cyprus of the Greek
commander Cimon caused them to turn back. Shortly afterwards peace
was declared between Athens and Persia and the interference of the
former in Egyptian affairs came to an end (449-448 B.C.).
Excepting the west of the Delta the whole of Egypt was now at peace.
Foreigners from all parts were welcome, particularly the Greeks. So
widely had the latter extended their commerce that Naucratis could no
longer maintain her monopolistic position, and lost her special
importance. Herdotus toured Egypt shortly after 450 B.C. Though the
undoubtedly fictitious claims that sixth-century philosophers like Thales
and Pythagoras derived much of their wisdom from Egypt warn us to be
skeptical also in the cases of Democritus of Abdera and Plato. There is
little question but that the county would have been open to them. Some
xenophobia there doubtless was, possibly once even a petty uprising
against the alien rulers, but especially in Upper Egypt it will have
required differences of race and religion to fan any unrest into flame. Such
a case arose on the island of Elephantine in 410 B.C. Here the
worshippers of Yahu and the priests of the ram-headed god Chnum lived
cheek by jowl. The native priest took advantage of the absence abroad of
the satrap Arsames to bribe the local commandant Vidaranag, with the
result that the Jewish temple was completely razed to the ground.
Vidaranag was punished, but for a time the temple remained unbuilt. The
Aramaic papyri recounting this matter comprise a petition sent to Bagoas,
the governor of Judah, pleading for the rebuilding, and it appears that this
was ultimately conceded.
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